
Shefa's Rabbi Blog List
Monday, May 21, 2012
Josh Nathan-Kazis on Forward.com: "On the Train Back to Williamsburg [from the Charedi Rally at Citifield]"

Thursday, May 17, 2012
-Witnessing Magic-
It was, as Rabbi Danny Nevins, Dean of JTS' Division of Religious Leadership, pointed out, the fortieth day of the Omer, forty days of waiting for the Sinai revelation, "a day of anticipation and of completion—a day when our students become our teachers and begin their journey of sacred leadership." Chancellor Arnold Eisen reminded us that the morning's festivities occurred during the week in which we close the Book of vaYikra/Leviticus and take our first step "into the wilderness," into an unsown land, a journey of discovery and covenant where sacred leadership is the key to survival. Better. Deeper than that: Today was a charge to us all to remember that holy leaders are called to unlock the vast potential of God's Promise.
The afternoon continued an integrated journey of academic degree and sacred calling. Each new rabbi and cantor stood before a Beit Din who conferred upon them their sacred title, followed by the blessing and loving embrace of a personal mentor. The special JTS tallit with which each new Kli Kodesh (holy vessel) adorned is the same one I received at my ordination ten years ago. Ten years ago, when commencement ended, I held my 6-week old baby. But today she stood (shoulder-to-shoulder!) with her role model, her aunt, the new rabbi. And as I watched my daughter watch my sister, I saw over my shoulder that my father was watching me watch. And when I looked into my father's eyes, I saw through the window of his soul the eyes of his father, my Sabbah z"l, watching our family continue building its generational story. Every lost ancestor of every person in the room was present once more, interceding with Heaven on behalf of their descendant's future. The room pulsed with this intensity.
Rabbi Gerald C. Skolnik in the NY Jewish Week: "NY JewisRabbinic Leadership in the 21st Century: What Really Matters to the People We Serve?"
Rabbinic Leadership in the 21st Century
What Really Matters to the People We Serve?
Since assuming the presidency of the Rabbinical Assembly almost two weeks ago, and for some weeks before then, people have been asking me exactly what it is that the Rabbinical Assembly does, and by extension, what the president does.
It is a fair question that merits a serious answer. At its most fundamental level, the responsibility of the Rabbinical Assembly is to represent the interests of the Conservative rabbinate, to be its voice on the issues of the day, and to bring the Torah of its members out to the widest possible audience. That is a large portfolio. The Assembly has some 1600 members worldwide. Its interests are diverse, and its Torah encompasses a broad and eclectic range of approaches and scholarship. Being a voice for a large group of rabbis that speaks with many voices can be a delicate assignment.
And that, of course, alludes to the political dimension of the work of the Rabbinical Assembly, both within and outside the Conservative movement.
All of the major Jewish denominations in the United States have academic, professional, and synagogue arms. Yeshiva University shares the governance of modern Orthodoxy with the Rabbinical Council of America and the Union of Orthodox Congregations of America. In the Reform movement, HUC-JIR works alongside the Central Conference of American Rabbis and the URJ- the Union for Reform Judaism.
In the Conservative movement, the Rabbinical Assembly works alongside the Jewish Theological Seminary and the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism. Each has its own unique areas of endeavor within the larger context of the movement. JTS is the academic center that trains the movement's professionals and laity. The United Synagogue represents the interests of the movement's kehilot, its spiritual communities. And, of course, the RA, as it is popularly referred to, represents the interests of the rabbis (and there is a Cantors Assembly that does the same for the movement's cantors). As one might imagine, there are more than a few instances where those spheres of activity and influence overlap, with the resulting "discussions" about whose turf is being intruded on and what the larger interests of the movement are. Some of those differing perceptions are easily overcome. Others are stubbornly resistant to resolution.
So there is, as one might imagine, an irreducibly political dimension to the presidency of the Rabbinical Assembly. As a voice of the Conservative rabbinate (one has to be careful to capitalize the word "Conservative," to insure that people don't associate the Assembly with conservative politics… we have both liberals and conservatives as members, and every possible permutation between them), learning to navigate the divergent opinions of its members along with the occasional internal issues within the movement is nothing if not a political assignment. Our organization is blessed with wonderful and talented professionals who work much more than full-time to accomplish our work. It is my privilege to work alongside them to promote the work of our movement, and protect the interests of our colleagues.
What became clear to me at our recent convention, however, is that the real focus of our rabbinate is not to be found in discussions about institutional self-interest. It's not that those things are unimportant. In their proper context and proportion, they matter a lot. But when all is said and done, our most important and enduring work consists of tending to the spiritual lives of those we teach and lead. That sounds like a self-evident truth, but it's not– not at all. We rabbis need to remind ourselves of that truth each and every day.
In a variety of contexts and ways, I listened to colleague after colleague at our convention share stories of personal struggle, and how that struggle was impacting his/her work. One spoke– with powerful eloquence– about how her children's autism posed a daily challenge to her faith, and how she had to work hard to transcend that feeling. Many spoke of the inevitable strains and stresses that the rabbinic pulpit often places on family life, and how isolating it can be. Still others addressed the myriad challenges of building Jewish community where there is no existing infrastructure to support it, and I couldn't help but think of how very fortunate I am to live and work in an area where there is an absolute embarrassment of Jewish support services…
I looked at my colleagues, and I saw my congregants. Real people, with real concerns, trying their hardest to live meaningful lives under circumstances that are often less than optimal. I think it's fair to say that we rabbis do our best and most important work right there, in the intersection of the hand life deals us on the one hand, and the life we'd like to be living on the other. To the degree that we can apply the richness of Jewish tradition and wisdom to make those moments more bearable, we are doing our jobs well. That work is much harder than protecting institutional self-interest. Providing meaning in the face of great challenge can change a person's life for the better. What can be more important than that?
Providing meaning in the face of great challenge… a daily desideratum for the rabbi, regardless of denominational affiliation. I'm proud to count myself among them.
Sunday, May 13, 2012
Thomas Friedman's NYTimes column, with a comment by Rabbi Morris Allen
This Column Is Not Sponsored by Anyone
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
Published: May 12, 2012
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PORING through Harvard philosopher Michael Sandel's new book, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," I found myself over and over again turning pages and saying, "I had no idea."

Josh Haner/The New York Times
Thomas L. Friedman
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I had no idea that in the year 2000, as Sandel notes, "a Russian rocket emblazoned with a giant Pizza Hut logo carried advertising into outer space," or that in 2001, the British novelist Fay Weldon wrote a book commissioned by the jewelry company Bulgari and that, in exchange for payment, "the author agreed to mention Bulgari jewelry in the novel at least a dozen times." I knew that stadiums are now named for corporations, but had no idea that now "even sliding into home is a corporate-sponsored event," writes Sandel. "New York Life Insurance Company has a deal with 10 Major League Baseball teams that triggers a promotional plug every time a player slides safely into base. When the umpire calls the runner safe at home plate, a corporate logo appears on the television screen, and the play-by-play announcer must say, 'Safe at home. Safe and secure. New York Life.' "
And while I knew that retired baseball players sell their autographs for $15 a pop, I had no idea that Pete Rose, who was banished from baseball for life for betting, has a Web site that, Sandel writes, "sells memorabilia related to his banishment. For $299, plus shipping and handling, you can buy a baseball autographed by Rose and inscribed with an apology: 'I'm sorry I bet on baseball.' For $500, Rose will send you an autographed copy of the document banishing him from the game."
I had no idea that in 2001 an elementary school in New Jersey became America's first public school "to sell naming rights to a corporate sponsor," Sandel writes. "In exchange for a $100,000 donation from a local supermarket, it renamed its gym 'ShopRite of Brooklawn Center.' ... A high school in Newburyport, Mass., offered naming rights to the principal's office for $10,000. ... By 2011, seven states had approved advertising on the sides of school buses."
Seen in isolation, these commercial encroachments seem innocuous enough. But Sandel sees them as signs of a bad trend: "Over the last three decades," he states, "we have drifted from having a market economy to becoming a market society. A market economy is a tool — a valuable and effective tool — for organizing productive activity. But a 'market society' is a place where everything is up for sale. It is a way of life where market values govern every sphere of life."
Why worry about this trend? Because, Sandel argues, market values are crowding out civic practices. When public schools are plastered with commercial advertising, they teach students to be consumers rather than citizens. When we outsource war to private military contractors, and when we have separate, shorter lines for airport security for those who can afford them, the result is that the affluent and those of modest means live increasingly separate lives, and the class-mixing institutions and public spaces that forge a sense of common experience and shared citizenship get eroded.
This reach of markets into every aspect of life was partly a result of the end of the cold war, he argues, when America's victory was interpreted as a victory for unfettered markets, thus propelling the notion that markets are the primary instruments for achieving the public good. It was also the result of Americans wanting more public services than they were willing to pay taxes for, thus inviting corporations to fill in the gap with school gyms brought to you by ShopRite.
Sandel is now a renowned professor at Harvard, but we first became friends when we grew up together in Minneapolis in the 1960s. Both our fathers took us to the 1965 World Series, when the Dodgers beat the Twins in seven games. In 1965, the best tickets in Metropolitan Stadium cost $3; bleachers were $1.50. Sandel's third-deck seat to the World Series cost $8. Today, alas, not only are most stadiums named for companies, but the wealthy now sit in skyboxes — even at college games — that cost tens of thousands of dollars a season, and hoi polloi sit out in the rain.
Throughout our society, we are losing the places and institutions that used to bring people together from different walks of life. Sandel calls this the "skyboxification of American life," and it is troubling. Unless the rich and poor encounter one another in everyday life, it is hard to think of ourselves as engaged in a common project. At a time when to fix our society we need to do big, hard things together, the marketization of public life becomes one more thing pulling us apart. "The great missing debate in contemporary politics," Sandel writes, "is about the role and reach of markets." We should be asking where markets serve the public good, and where they don't belong, he argues. And we should be asking how to rebuild class-mixing institutions.
"Democracy does not require perfect equality," he concludes, "but it does require that citizens share in a common life. ... For this is how we learn to negotiate and abide our differences, and how we come to care for the common good."
Tuesday, May 8, 2012
Ha'aretz.com: "Lapid to U.S. Conservative rabbis: You are gatekeepers of the Jewish identity"
"The Jewish identity is in danger and you are the gatekeepers," political newcomer Yair Lapid told audience members Tuesday at the Rabbinical Assembly of the Conservative Movement in Atlanta. "Judaism shouldn't be the jailhouse of ideas but a liberator of ideas; not a disintegrator of people but what brings people together," he said.
Speaking on the same day that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Kadima Chairman Shaul Mofaz stunned Israelis with the surprise announcement that they had formed a unity government, Lapid had a hard time justifying his presence at the assembly, as audiences turned the discussion onto politics.
Lapid admitted it was "bad timing" and explained that while "people in America often feel neglected, the right people in Israel are listening to you."
When asked what he plans on doing now that the early elections have been called off, Lapid said, "To work hard. I see a huge opportunity. This creates a big vacancy for us. We are going to unite all sane forces. Kadima went back to what it always has been: part of the Likud. I congratulate them on this reunification."
Lapid said the general elections now due to take place in 2013 will set the Israeli government straight. "People in Israel are sick and tired of the old politics. We are going to be practical in voting. Things always change in the political arena... One of the hardest things is to create hope."
The former TV host and newly minted politician was greeted with applause when he presented some aspects of his political agenda to the Jewish American crowd.
He said Rabbi Julie Schonfeld, executive vice president of the Rabbinical Assembly, has to "tolerate the unbearable fact that the state of Israel doesn't recognize her as a rabbi while her son is serving as an intelligence officer."
Speaking of a bill introduced by MK David Rotem, which, for the first time in Israeli law would give the Chief Rabbinate authority over Jewish conversion, Lapid insisted he would do anything in his power to ensure it disappears.
"Israel can't be the only country in the Western world not to have freedom of religion," he said. "I will support civilian marriages and do everything in my power to ensure equality to all denominations of Judaism. No one can claim ownership over the Jewish God."
Commenting on the controversial Tal law, Lapid insisted that all Israelis must serve. "Either in the army or civil service of some sort. The Tal law said the following: every religious youngster who does not go to the army must be locked in yeshivot. We want to empty them of all these people who are hiding there in order to not serve."
The Yesh Atid (There is a Future) head also told the Jewish-American audience of his late father, Yosef (Tomy) Lapid's childhood during the Holocaust, stressing that the split between Israelis and the Jewish Diaspora "is a historical accident". "I could be you and you could be me, because somewhere down the genealogical line of every person in this room there is a person standing on a pier trying to figure which way to go. If someone raises their hand on a Jew in Atlanta - it happens to me," he said, adding that the same applies "if someone desecrates gravestones in Ukraine."
Lapid said that in his opinion, "the wagon of Zionism is not empty; it is full with all that is good in Jewish spirit," and that despite the fact he is "no leftist" and "Palestinians made terrible mistakes during process," Israel and the Palestinians need to come back to the table. "But we are not anywhere near the table," he insisted.
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